Sunday, October 05, 2003
"Italian American Political Life"
AIHA First Conference Proceedings- Oct 1968
The ANNOTICO Report

I commend AIHA's Executive Director, Dominic Candeloro for making available by "Attachment" -"Proceedings of Italian American Life"- AIHA First Conference-
Oct 1968.

I found it fascinating, again! ( I have ALL volumes). Please advise ME, if you would like to receive this First Proceeding in its entirety... by Email in an "Attachment"
(in Notepad).  This First Proceeding  is Out of Print.

The other 19 volumes may be still available in book form (soft cover), and you can see the Conference Titles, and Order on AIHA web site. A book set for $100.
< http://www.aiha.fau.edu>    Then Click on: "Buy AIHA Books Now"

Hopefully, the next step will be for AIHA to put this, and ALL AIHA Proceedings
on their Web Site. Such "easy access" to such a "treasure" of I-A Information!!!
Providing an invaluable service, and making their web site, a "must visit" site,
raising their visibility, credibility, and prestige.

It is interesting that the early AIHA founders recognized the critical importance of the political process, not only to Every citizen, every Ethnic, BUT especially the I-A.
Yet, to my knowledge,the subject has not been revisited in THIRTY FIVE (35) years!

Incidentally,AIHA is having its 36th Annual Conference-Boca Raton,FL Nov. 6-8-'03
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First Conference Held at Casa Italiana, Columbia University, October 26, 1968

ETHNICITY IN AMERICAN POLITICAL LIFE:THE ITALIAN AMERICAN EXPERIENCE
 
First Session:
THE POLITICAL PRACTITIONER AND ETHNICITY .
Chairman: Professor John Cammett, CONY .
Speakers: Joseph F. Carlino, former Speaker of the Assembly of New York State,
and former Congressman Alfred Santangelo.
Commentators: Professor John Duff, Seton Hall University, and Professor Luciano
lorizzo, Oswego College, SUNY .

Second Session:
THE ACADEMICIAN AND CASE STUDIES OF ITALIAN-AMERICAN POLITICIANS.
Chairman: Rev. Silvano F. Tomasi, Editor, International Migration Review
Speaker: Prof. S. J. LaGumina, Professor of History, Nassau Community College
Commentator: Professor Arthur Mann, University of Chicago

INTRODUCTION
These proceedings are the first fruits of the labors of the AIHA in the vineyard of Italian-American history. The merit of the vintage is for others to judge. Those of us who participated in this conference, however, believe that it constitutes a real contribution to an understanding of the role of the Italian-American in political life. Thanks to the insights offered by practitioners and scholars the reader will gain a deeper comprehension of this timely topic. That this publication should appear when two of the major candidates for the mayoralty of New York are of Italian origin is a matter of chance, not design.

It is the objective of the AIHA to illuminate all aspects of the experience of those millions of Americans whose origins lie in that vast Stream of Italian immigration. Their Story is still by-and-large an unexplored dimension of American history. In its first annual conference, the AIHA focused on the political facet of that experience. The Autumn, 1969 Conference will deal with the theme: "The Italian-American Novel." Other topics such as the ltalian-Americans and the labor movement and the Italian-Americans and the Catholic Church will be the subject of future conferences. The AIHA seeks in other ways as well to encourage the serious study of the history of the Italians in America.

Through the preparation of bibliographies and guides to sources the provision of fellowships and prizes, and the collection and preservation of the records of the Italian-American experience, the AIHA proposes to stimulate and facilitate scholarship in this long-neglected field of study.

The potential for creative work which lies before the AIHA is vast indeed.
Adequate resources, however, are needed to meet this challenge. An expanding
membership is the best surety that we shall be able to realize the objectives of
the AIHA. To those of you who read these words I offer a warm invitation to join
with us in this enterprise... the complex and colorful story of the Italians in America.

Rudolph J. Vecoli, President,
American Italian Historical Association

PREFACE
The history of ethnic societies in the United States has been a mixed record of
success when it comes to fostering scholarship concerning national ethnic groups. Italian-Americans have been among the least eminent in this regard prompting a student of immigrant historical societies to dismiss the typical Italian-American society as a "still- born brainchild of history-minded journalists or ambitious politicians." Little of scholarly value has been bequeathed to posterity.

The American Italian Historical Association, in an effort to correct this serious shortcoming in ltalian-American scholarship, has undertaken to sponsor annual conferences on significant themes. For the first annual conference the association selected a truly relevant topic : "Ethnicity in American Political Life-The Italian-American Experience." Increasingly students of American society acknowledge that one aspect of contemporary United States social history revolves around the emergence or re-emergence of ethnicity. A potent factor in American life, it manifests itself more frequently, that Americans are reacting, increasingly along ethnic lines.

This makes it imperative that systemative efforts to understand the nature and extent of the problems affecting ethnic groups be undertaken. Further it renders it important to examine the role of ethnic self-interest in political life.

It is within this context that this publication of the proceedings take an added
value. More than an expression of filio-pietism, the following pages can be read
profitably with an eye to the present and future, as the past is reviewed.

Salvatore John LaGumina
Editor
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RAA NOTE:

The following is an excerpt from Salvatore J. La Gumina presentation, that focuses on Vito Marcantonio. It is followed by summary comments by Professor Arthur Mann, Father Silvano F. Tomasi, and Prof. Rudolph Vecoli.

No other ltalo-American ever worked as indefatigably in the halls of Congress, with a substantial amount of his efforts directed toward the advancement of Italo-American interests than did Vito Marcantonio, with the possible exception of LaGuardia.

During his first term, he emerged as the foremost Congressional defender of aliens and immigrants against the backdrop of a huge anti-alien drive then under way.

Desperately seeking a scapegoat to account for the Great Depression, many
Americans found it easy to place the responsibility on immigrants. Since Italian Americans were the second largest immigrant group, they would be the foremost targets of discrimination.

In 1935 Marcantonio assailed a bill, authorizing the deportation of aliens, as a "vicious" bill which presaged an avalanche of punitive alien and sedition bills aimed
at further persecution of immigrants."

He succeeded in ending the official policy of making invidious distinctions between Northern and Southern Italians. He fought doggedly, but unfortunately was unable to stem the reactionary tide in against attempts to limit WPA benefits to citizens.

Marcantonio's concern for the welfare of Italo-Americans was never more manifest than during the years of World War II, when I-As became the objects of deep suspicion by so many Americans, and even moreso for the non-citizen I-A since they were officially classified as "enemy aliens.", regardless of whether they had been in the US for decades.

Marcantonio objected to the denigration of Italo-American patriotism, and in defense publicized acts of heroism by Italo-American servicemen. He cited the heartening response of Italians to war bond drives, and recounted episodes of wholehearted
Italo-American participation and efforts in defense and war plants.

Unstintingly, he fought for the right of Italo-Americans to employment in defense plants, castigating discrimination against them. He exposed maligners and detractors of Italo-American patriotism for fostering discrimination. He instructed the
public of Italy's enduring role in the history of the US.

Italo-American circles were unanimous in supporting Marcantonio efforts on behalf of the Italian American community, although so many were opposed to his radical politics. Obtaining Italo- American endorsement was no small accomplishment, when one considers the diversity, if not the antagonism, between Italo-American groups and the highly individualistic Italian mentality which normally militated against such united action.

He was the first to call for Italy's inclusion in the United Nations. He argued against imposing reparations on Italy. He nudged Administration officials to increase daily rations in occupied Italy.

A committed left-winger, Marcantonio often put ethnic identity above political ideology. In 1943, he supported Democrat Judge Thomas Aurelio for a Supreme Court judgeship, largely because of his insistence that the post go to an Italo-American.

Sometimes his ethnic sensibilities found Marcantonio advocating policies inimical to the basic tenets of liberalism. While running for mayor of New York City in 1949, for example, he protested to the Roxy Theater against the showing of the film, The House of Strangers, as discrediting the good name of Italo-Americans.

It is interesting to note that in the 1940's, Marcantonio continued to win elections in the face of an increasingly persistent and notoriously bad press

Marcantonio eventually fell victim to the Italian Elections of 1948 that saw a tremendous letter-writing campaign by Italo-Americans, urging their friends and relatives in Italy to vote against Communist candidates.

In this paper, I have attempted to show, through a historical study, the congruence of ethnicity in the political life of ltalian-Americans. The careers of five of the six politicians examined demonstrated the results of the impact of ethnicity in politics.

In these case studies, it became clear that the Italian- Americans realized that their influence in American society could increase to the extent that they wielded political power. It was natural for Americans of Italian extraction to believe that their cause would best be served by political leaders of their own kind.

The rise of political leaders to important national positions could alone instill a healthy pride in their ethnicity and a firm conviction in their ability to make meaningful contributions to their country.

Professor Arthur Mann agreed completely with LaGumina's thesis of the persistency of ethnicity and suggested that LaGumina's paper serve as a model for future study in this area. Mann divided his comments in four areas:

First, he expanded on the persistency of ethnicity thesis, pointing out that historians are compelled to acknowledge it even when they decry it. Even more important is the awareness that ethnicity has always been a distinguishable trait in American society. Italian-Americans are not the only people professing a special feeling for their places in American society. Indeed, every group feels itself important. Why does ethnicity persist? This is the kind of people we are. Between 1880 and 1930, over thirty million immigrants arrived in the United States, with over seventy percent of them settling east of the Mississippi River. For example, in 1910 over ninety percent of Chicago were either first or second generation Americans.

Immigrant groups have gone through a curious evolution. Whereas many of the second-generation Americans deliberately rejected the culture, even the language of their parents, for fear of being rejected by American society, third-generation Americans are less sensitive to social ostracism. Many of them do not want to forget their past. They profess a nostalgia for their immigrant roots and are interested in studying it. The contemporary civil rights movement seems to intensify this interest because the movement is in essence a search for roots and fulfills the need for
self-identification, an idea that has spread to the Euro Ethnics.

The second point Mann discussed was the resources used to study ethnic groups,
and necessity of comparative studies.

The third area Mann considered was the character of political leadership. Mann then likened the radical leaders of ethnic groups like Marcantonio with many of today's radical black leaders, maintaining that they were permitted their extremism because in both instances these politicians expressed their people's resentment against the establishment. They represented people who were looking at American society from the outside, rather than as valuable participants. Thus, in an effort to combat a sense of alienation and powerlessness, many Afro-Americans, although they might disagree with a Rap Brown or an Adam Clayton Powell, would support them because  it brings to them a sense of pride and satisfaction that black Americans are expressing themselves and being heard. The leaders of the ethnic groups who expressed their views were angry to the people standing in their way and they did seem like demagogues, but that was the only way for those on the outside to express their sentiments.

The final point referred to by Mann was the need to rest a historical case on hard data. There is a tremendous dearth of this particular information insofar as Euro Ethnic groups are concerned. Although every ethnic group's history is unique, there may also be similarities.

Father Silvano F. Tomasi expressed his pleasure at the topic under discussion and emphasized the continuing need for productive studies. He agreed that Dr. LaGumina's paper was the kind needed to trace .the evolution of ethnic groups in America, not only in their political activity, but in all aspects of ethnic group society.

Prof. Rudolph Vecoli called for a further Study of ethnicity in American life, not as an
isolated phenomenon but as part of a broader research undertaking, involving
comparative studies of various ethnic groups. He maintained that political behavior be interpreted as an authentic expression of ethnic culture and observed that Italian ascent to power was a tardy development, attributable to internal factionalism based on Old World sentiments of companilismo and regionalismo.

With the erosion of regional identification an Italian-American identity emerged in the post World War II period, which found Italian-American political aspirations calling for support among Italians based on loyalties of blood, family and nationality. Only in this way could one explain the phenomenon of Italian precincts with almost one hundred percent straight party votes. This was, however, an expression of family (based on comparaggio) not political loyalty. Vecoli also asserted that it was useful to view politics within the broader context of inter-group relations. Thus, Irish-Italian political rivalry could be seen as an expression of a more general ethnic conflict which found its expression in the Church, .the labor movement, ) the rackets and other areas as well. The political relationships of the Italians and the Irish (or any other ethnic group) would be conditioned by the full range of their contacts and, the regard they had for each other.