Sunday, October 05, 2003
"Italian American Political
Life"
AIHA First
Conference Proceedings- Oct 1968
The ANNOTICO Report
I commend AIHA's Executive Director, Dominic Candeloro for making
available by "Attachment" -"Proceedings of Italian American Life"- AIHA
First Conference-
Oct 1968.
I found it fascinating, again! ( I have ALL volumes). Please advise ME,
if you would like to receive this First Proceeding in its entirety...
by Email in an "Attachment"
(in Notepad). This First Proceeding is Out of Print.
The other 19 volumes may be still available in book form (soft cover),
and you can see the Conference Titles, and Order on AIHA web site. A
book set for $100.
< http://www.aiha.fau.edu>
Then Click on: "Buy AIHA Books Now"
Hopefully, the next step will be for AIHA to put this, and ALL AIHA
Proceedings
on their Web Site. Such "easy access" to such a "treasure" of I-A
Information!!!
Providing an invaluable service, and making their web site, a "must
visit" site,
raising their visibility, credibility, and prestige.
It is interesting that the early AIHA founders recognized the critical
importance of the political process, not only to Every citizen, every
Ethnic, BUT especially the I-A.
Yet, to my knowledge,the subject has not been revisited in THIRTY FIVE
(35) years!
Incidentally,AIHA is having its 36th Annual Conference-Boca Raton,FL
Nov. 6-8-'03
============================================================
First Conference Held at Casa Italiana, Columbia University, October
26, 1968
ETHNICITY IN AMERICAN POLITICAL LIFE:THE ITALIAN AMERICAN EXPERIENCE
First Session:
THE POLITICAL PRACTITIONER AND ETHNICITY .
Chairman: Professor John Cammett, CONY .
Speakers: Joseph F. Carlino, former Speaker of the Assembly of New York
State,
and former Congressman Alfred Santangelo.
Commentators: Professor John Duff, Seton Hall University, and Professor
Luciano
lorizzo, Oswego College, SUNY .
Second Session:
THE ACADEMICIAN AND CASE STUDIES OF ITALIAN-AMERICAN POLITICIANS.
Chairman: Rev. Silvano F. Tomasi, Editor, International Migration Review
Speaker: Prof. S. J. LaGumina, Professor of History, Nassau Community
College
Commentator: Professor Arthur Mann, University of Chicago
INTRODUCTION
These proceedings are the first fruits of the labors of the AIHA in the
vineyard of Italian-American history. The merit of the vintage is for
others to judge. Those of us who participated in this conference,
however, believe that it constitutes a real contribution to an
understanding of the role of the Italian-American in political life.
Thanks to the insights offered by practitioners and scholars the reader
will gain a deeper comprehension of this timely topic. That this
publication should appear when two of the major candidates for the
mayoralty of New York are of Italian origin is a matter of chance, not
design.
It is the objective of the AIHA to illuminate all aspects of the
experience of those millions of Americans whose origins lie in that
vast Stream of Italian immigration. Their Story is still by-and-large
an unexplored dimension of American history. In its first annual
conference, the AIHA focused on the political facet of that experience.
The Autumn, 1969 Conference will deal with the theme: "The
Italian-American Novel." Other topics such as the ltalian-Americans and
the labor movement and the Italian-Americans and the Catholic Church
will be the subject of future conferences. The AIHA seeks in other ways
as well to encourage the serious study of the history of the Italians
in America.
Through the preparation of bibliographies and guides to sources the
provision of fellowships and prizes, and the collection and
preservation of the records of the Italian-American experience, the
AIHA proposes to stimulate and facilitate scholarship in this
long-neglected field of study.
The potential for creative work which lies before the AIHA is vast
indeed.
Adequate resources, however, are needed to meet this challenge. An
expanding
membership is the best surety that we shall be able to realize the
objectives of
the AIHA. To those of you who read these words I offer a warm
invitation to join
with us in this enterprise... the complex and colorful story of the
Italians in America.
Rudolph J. Vecoli, President,
American Italian Historical Association
PREFACE
The history of ethnic societies in the United States has been a mixed
record of
success when it comes to fostering scholarship concerning national
ethnic groups. Italian-Americans have been among the least eminent in
this regard prompting a student of immigrant historical societies to
dismiss the typical Italian-American society as a "still- born
brainchild of history-minded journalists or ambitious politicians."
Little of scholarly value has been bequeathed to posterity.
The American Italian Historical Association, in an effort to correct
this serious shortcoming in ltalian-American scholarship, has
undertaken to sponsor annual conferences on significant themes. For the
first annual conference the association selected a truly relevant topic
: "Ethnicity in American Political Life-The Italian-American
Experience." Increasingly students of American society acknowledge that
one aspect of contemporary United States social history revolves around
the emergence or re-emergence of ethnicity. A potent factor in American
life, it manifests itself more frequently, that Americans are reacting,
increasingly along ethnic lines.
This makes it imperative that systemative efforts to understand the
nature and extent of the problems affecting ethnic groups be
undertaken. Further it renders it important to examine the role of
ethnic self-interest in political life.
It is within this context that this publication of the proceedings take
an added
value. More than an expression of filio-pietism, the following pages
can be read
profitably with an eye to the present and future, as the past is
reviewed.
Salvatore John LaGumina
Editor
===========================================================
RAA NOTE:
The following is an excerpt from Salvatore J. La Gumina presentation,
that focuses on Vito Marcantonio. It is followed by summary comments by
Professor Arthur Mann, Father Silvano F. Tomasi, and Prof. Rudolph
Vecoli.
No other ltalo-American ever worked as indefatigably in the halls of
Congress, with a substantial amount of his efforts directed toward the
advancement of Italo-American interests than did Vito Marcantonio, with
the possible exception of LaGuardia.
During his first term, he emerged as the foremost Congressional
defender of aliens and immigrants against the backdrop of a huge
anti-alien drive then under way.
Desperately seeking a scapegoat to account for the Great Depression,
many
Americans found it easy to place the responsibility on immigrants.
Since Italian Americans were the second largest immigrant group, they
would be the foremost targets of discrimination.
In 1935 Marcantonio assailed a bill, authorizing the deportation of
aliens, as a "vicious" bill which presaged an avalanche of punitive
alien and sedition bills aimed
at further persecution of immigrants."
He succeeded in ending the official policy of making invidious
distinctions between Northern and Southern Italians. He fought
doggedly, but unfortunately was unable to stem the reactionary tide in
against attempts to limit WPA benefits to citizens.
Marcantonio's concern for the welfare of Italo-Americans was never more
manifest than during the years of World War II, when I-As became the
objects of deep suspicion by so many Americans, and even moreso for the
non-citizen I-A since they were officially classified as "enemy
aliens.", regardless of whether they had been in the US for decades.
Marcantonio objected to the denigration of Italo-American patriotism,
and in defense publicized acts of heroism by Italo-American servicemen.
He cited the heartening response of Italians to war bond drives, and
recounted episodes of wholehearted
Italo-American participation and efforts in defense and war plants.
Unstintingly, he fought for the right of Italo-Americans to employment
in defense plants, castigating discrimination against them. He exposed
maligners and detractors of Italo-American patriotism for fostering
discrimination. He instructed the
public of Italy's enduring role in the history of the US.
Italo-American circles were unanimous in supporting Marcantonio efforts
on behalf of the Italian American community, although so many were
opposed to his radical politics. Obtaining Italo- American endorsement
was no small accomplishment, when one considers the diversity, if not
the antagonism, between Italo-American groups and the highly
individualistic Italian mentality which normally militated against such
united action.
He was the first to call for Italy's inclusion in the United Nations.
He argued against imposing reparations on Italy. He nudged
Administration officials to increase daily rations in occupied Italy.
A committed left-winger, Marcantonio often put ethnic identity above
political ideology. In 1943, he supported Democrat Judge Thomas Aurelio
for a Supreme Court judgeship, largely because of his insistence that
the post go to an Italo-American.
Sometimes his ethnic sensibilities found Marcantonio advocating
policies inimical to the basic tenets of liberalism. While running for
mayor of New York City in 1949, for example, he protested to the Roxy
Theater against the showing of the film, The House of Strangers, as
discrediting the good name of Italo-Americans.
It is interesting to note that in the 1940's, Marcantonio continued to
win elections in the face of an increasingly persistent and notoriously
bad press
Marcantonio eventually fell victim to the Italian Elections of 1948
that saw a tremendous letter-writing campaign by Italo-Americans,
urging their friends and relatives in Italy to vote against Communist
candidates.
In this paper, I have attempted to show, through a historical study,
the congruence of ethnicity in the political life of ltalian-Americans.
The careers of five of the six politicians examined demonstrated the
results of the impact of ethnicity in politics.
In these case studies, it became clear that the Italian- Americans
realized that their influence in American society could increase to the
extent that they wielded political power. It was natural for Americans
of Italian extraction to believe that their cause would best be served
by political leaders of their own kind.
The rise of political leaders to important national positions could
alone instill a healthy pride in their ethnicity and a firm conviction
in their ability to make meaningful contributions to their country.
Professor Arthur Mann agreed completely with LaGumina's thesis of the
persistency of ethnicity and suggested that LaGumina's paper serve as a
model for future study in this area. Mann divided his comments in four
areas:
First, he expanded on the persistency of ethnicity thesis, pointing out
that historians are compelled to acknowledge it even when they decry
it. Even more important is the awareness that ethnicity has always been
a distinguishable trait in American society. Italian-Americans are not
the only people professing a special feeling for their places in
American society. Indeed, every group feels itself important. Why does
ethnicity persist? This is the kind of people we are. Between 1880 and
1930, over thirty million immigrants arrived in the United States, with
over seventy percent of them settling east of the Mississippi River.
For example, in 1910 over ninety percent of Chicago were either first
or second generation Americans.
Immigrant groups have gone through a curious evolution. Whereas many of
the second-generation Americans deliberately rejected the culture, even
the language of their parents, for fear of being rejected by American
society, third-generation Americans are less sensitive to social
ostracism. Many of them do not want to forget their past. They profess
a nostalgia for their immigrant roots and are interested in studying
it. The contemporary civil rights movement seems to intensify this
interest because the movement is in essence a search for roots and
fulfills the need for
self-identification, an idea that has spread to the Euro Ethnics.
The second point Mann discussed was the resources used to study ethnic
groups,
and necessity of comparative studies.
The third area Mann considered was the character of political
leadership. Mann then likened the radical leaders of ethnic groups like
Marcantonio with many of today's radical black leaders, maintaining
that they were permitted their extremism because in both instances
these politicians expressed their people's resentment against the
establishment. They represented people who were looking at American
society from the outside, rather than as valuable participants. Thus,
in an effort to combat a sense of alienation and powerlessness, many
Afro-Americans, although they might disagree with a Rap Brown or an
Adam Clayton Powell, would support them because it brings to them
a sense of pride and satisfaction that black Americans are expressing
themselves and being heard. The leaders of the ethnic groups who
expressed their views were angry to the people standing in their way
and they did seem like demagogues, but that was the only way for those
on the outside to express their sentiments.
The final point referred to by Mann was the need to rest a historical
case on hard data. There is a tremendous dearth of this particular
information insofar as Euro Ethnic groups are concerned. Although every
ethnic group's history is unique, there may also be similarities.
Father Silvano F. Tomasi expressed his pleasure at the topic under
discussion and emphasized the continuing need for productive studies.
He agreed that Dr. LaGumina's paper was the kind needed to trace .the
evolution of ethnic groups in America, not only in their political
activity, but in all aspects of ethnic group society.
Prof. Rudolph Vecoli called for a further Study of ethnicity in
American life, not as an
isolated phenomenon but as part of a broader research undertaking,
involving
comparative studies of various ethnic groups. He maintained that
political behavior be interpreted as an authentic expression of ethnic
culture and observed that Italian ascent to power was a tardy
development, attributable to internal factionalism based on Old World
sentiments of companilismo and regionalismo.
With the erosion of regional identification an Italian-American
identity emerged in the post World War II period, which found
Italian-American political aspirations calling for support among
Italians based on loyalties of blood, family and nationality. Only in
this way could one explain the phenomenon of Italian precincts with
almost one hundred percent straight party votes. This was, however, an
expression of family (based on comparaggio) not political loyalty.
Vecoli also asserted that it was useful to view politics within the
broader context of inter-group relations. Thus, Irish-Italian political
rivalry could be seen as an expression of a more general ethnic
conflict which found its expression in the Church, .the labor movement,
) the rackets and other areas as well. The political relationships of
the Italians and the Irish (or any other ethnic group) would be
conditioned by the full range of their contacts and, the regard they
had for each other.