Saturday, March 26, 2005
A New Italian Accent in Old Boston- and a Lot of Vowels- Boston
Globe
The ANNOTICO Report
Jean Vennochi cites that in the last century, Irish-American
politicians rose to power in the Commonwealth and used that power to reward
and protect fellow Irish-Americans. It was a local reflection of how the
American melting pot works: Elected officials in charge of the pot take
the opportunity to, first, promote and protect their friends and their
friends' causes.
Yet, this journalist seems seriously conflicted, or has
an identity crisis, in that while she acknowledes "practices" the Irish-Americans
had engaged in for a century plus, seems to question the propriety of even
the "appearances" of the same done by the now in power Italian Americans....
Thanks to Alan Girard Hartman of Ita-Sicily-L@ Roots.com
A NEW ACCENT ON OLD BOSTON
The Boston Globe
By Joan Vennochi,
Globe Columnist
March 24, 2005
WHAT DO all the vowels mean?
A new face of politics rules in Massachusetts, underscored
by all the jokes during this year's St. Patrick's Day roast. ''Where Have
all the Irish Politicians Gone?" moaned state Representative Brian P. Wallace
of South Boston in a humorous ditty. For the first time in a generation,
no Irish-American has control of the Massachusetts Senate, House of Representatives,
governor's office, or Boston mayoralty. Three out of four of those powerful
positions are held by men of Italian heritage -- Senate President Robert
E. Travaglini, House Speaker Salvatore F. DiMasi, and Boston Mayor Thomas
M. Menino.
First comes the joshing about better food. Then come
the questions about the power of tribalism and how it may influence Bay
State politics.
Does the concentration of Italian-American power-brokers
help Matthew Amorello keep his job as chairman of the Massachusetts Turnpike
Authority? Does it gain more access on Beacon Hill for Boston Red Sox CEO
Larry Lucchino? Do queries like that demonstrate prejudice against Italian-Americans,
even if posed by one?
Issues of race or ethnicity are sensitive but real factors
in politics, especially in Massachusetts, where tribalism traditionally
plays a role in political outcomes.
In the last century, Irish-American politicians rose
to power in the Commonwealth and used that power to reward and protect
fellow Irish-Americans. It was a local reflection of how the American melting
pot works: Elected officials in charge of the pot take the opportunity
to, first, promote and protect their friends and their friends' causes.
Not surprisingly, their friends often hail from the old neighborhood. It
does not always lead to bad choices, but choosing on the basis of ethnicity,
by definition, excludes some people for only one reason and rewards others.
In the 21st century, Irish-American ties are still strong,
but once in a while they can loosen. One example of a significant break
occurred when state Attorney General Thomas Reilly called for William M.
Bulger to step down as University of Massachusetts president. In doing
so, Reilly broke ranks with a network that long stood behind the former
Senate president. His declaration of independence may yet hold political
consequences in his quest to become governor.
The rivalry between Irish-Americans and Italian-Americans
continues as a staple of traditional Boston political culture. During Sunday's
St. Patrick's Day roast, DiMasi joked about coming ''over the bridge" into
South Boston ''without getting into a fight." Travaglini took the opportunity
to joke about the departures of the last two prominent Irish-American state
lawmakers to hold the Legislature's top posts: Bulger, who stepped down
amid allegations that he refused to cooperate with authorities seeking
to locate his fugitive mobster brother James ''Whitey" Bulger, and former
House speaker Thomas M. Finneran, who remains under the cloud of a federal
perjury investigation. Said Travaglini: ''You wonder if Bulger and Finneran
knew it when they ruled us like kings long before they both blew it, that
it might not be long before they joined Martha Stewart."
It was a fascinating gibe given the sensitivity many
Italian-Americans have about crime-related jokes or references made at
their expense. In a recent column I referred to former state transportation
secretary Frederick P. Salvucci as ''the godfather of the Big Dig." It
was a quick way to describe his advocacy for the project, but the phrase
drew complaints from readers. Salvucci was not pleased either.
After Governor Mitt Romney called for Amorello to leave
his post, Travaglini and DiMasi backed the embattled Big Dig overseer.
There is no question some commentary about Amorello's battle to keep his
job at the Massachusetts Turnpike Authority suggested that ethnicity played
a role. Yet it is reasonable to conclude the legislative leaders legitimately
believe it is silly for Romney to blame Amorello for all that is wrong
with the project.
A new Boston may be emerging, but the political world
still applies old standards and measurements to reach conclusions about
people and their motives. Among them: Where were you born? Where were your
parents born? How does that affect your view of the world and the decisions
you make with your power? And by the way, did former governor Paul Cellucci
have to play so strongly to ethnic stereotype and take a new job with a
racetrack conglomerate?
Fair or unfair, like it or not, this is political reality
for the new tribe:
Does Beacon Hill now look at the world through lasagna-colored
glasses?
Joan Vennochi's e-mail address is vennochi@globe.com.
http://www.boston.com/news/globe/
editorial_opinion/oped/articles/2005/03/24/
a_new_accent_on_old_boston/