Wednesday,
October 04, 2006
Is
The ANNOTICO Report
I am loath to give much value to other Europeans trying to analyze Italian Politics, especially the English, But MacShane's words may have some value.
He traces Italy's Left from it grasping the significance of the fall of the Soviet Union Communism in 1989, to it's observance of Tony Blair's repositioning Britain's Labour Party, as a classic 20th century welfare and statist party, as a new political organism that would embrace rather than defy economic modernity and seek to harness its strengths to provide the tax revenue for social investment.
While the French and German parties of the left remained wedded to 20th-century models of political organization and policy, the Italian left was already beginning its process of realignment. It was not sufficiently thought through by the time of the Romano Prodi-Giuliano Amato-Massimo D'Alema essays at government a decade ago.
Like the British left with Margaret Thatcher, the Italian left needed to experience the Silvio Berlusconi years to understand just how much it had to move: the achievement of unity and discipline, the sacrifice of personal ambition and the shaping of a new politics would be arduous and occupy at least half of the political spectrum.
The April 2006 election victory for the Prodi-Amato-D'Alema-Francesco Rutelli
team showed how much the Italian left had learnt from the Blair-New Labour experience. Now the question is: can the rest of
Europe learn from
The Left must be FAR more inclusive than just Labor, and it must rally around ideas, rather than argue over meaning of words and the placement of commas in bland Manifestos.
Open Democracy
Denis MacShane
October 3, 2006
The formation of a new
centre-left political party could pioneer new thinking about realignment across
the European Union, says Denis MacShane.
The creation of the Democratic Party in
It has taken the European left a long time to come to terms with the meaning of 1989. The end of communism brought unformed political parties from central and eastern Europe into play. More importantly, 1989 removed from capital and from the swelling ranks of the well-off and middle classes any fear that they faced expropriation or statist confiscation. The centre of the 20th-century European political spectrum thus removed decisively to the right.
Tony Blair was the first European politician
to grasp, instinctively and intuitively, the historic change. With daring he
repositioned
While the French and German parties of the left remained wedded to 2oth-century models of political organisation and policy, the Italian left was already beginning its process of realignment. It was not sufficiently thought through by the time of the Romano Prodi-Giuliano Amato-Massimo D'Alema essays at government a decade ago. Like the British left with Margaret Thatcher, the Italian left needed to experience the Silvio Berlusconi years to understand just how much it had to move: the achievement of unity and discipline, the sacrifice of personal ambition and the shaping of a new politics would be arduous and occupy at least half of the political spectrum.
The April 2006 election victory for the Prodi-Amato-D'Alema-Francesco Rutelli
team showed how much the Italian left had learnt from the Blair-New Labour experience. Now the question is: can the rest of
Europe learn from
Beyond organised labour
Now may be the moment to bring Karl Marx and John Maynard Keynes into a new alignment. Labourism is but one component of society. The classic Labourist parties ignored the importance of women and had to be forced after 1968 to take into consideration the new communities of Europeans who were neither white, nor Catholic. New issues like the environment and the change in gender and family politics have required responses which are not to be found in the classic texts.
The question of the European Union also demands a response from the left which requires new thinking. The British Labour leader from 1955 to 1963, Hugh Gaitskell, told his party that to enter the (then) European Economic Community (EEC) would be to betray "a thousand years of British history". More recently, France's former prime minister and aspirant to the Socialist Party candidature in the 2007 presidential election, Laurent Fabius, supported a "no" vote in the May 2005 plebiscite on the European constitution.
The attraction of populist anti-Europeanism
commands support on the left.
The classic text of what became the European
Union, the
The plain fact is that most trade-union organisation, whatever its lip-service to labour internationalism, has focused on organising within national boundaries and seeking control over capital through national labour legislation. The divisions within trade unions after 1945, with the communist unions like the CGT and CGIL affiliated to the Moscow-controlled WFTU in opposition to the independent labour internationals created by social-democratic or Christian social trade unions, ensured that in the formative years of the EEC / EU, trade unions had no united voice.
The 21st-century left cannot be based on organised labour. Trade unions
are a component part and vital ally but the new alliance for progressive
reformism requires a much broader base of political support. Nonetheless party
politics remains central. When Kurt Schumacher, founder of the post-1945 SPD,
left Buchenwald he declared: Deutschland muss ein
Parteinstatt warden (
Schumacher was right - and
not only for
A past and future project
The creation of the new Democratic Party in
This highlights the obligation to work within a party framework to solve problems and adopt priories and solve personality conflict before an election in place of the artificial creation of a governing coalition. The Democratic Party replaces post-electoral coalition formation by permanent party-building - the way forward for hegemonic rather than heterogeneous politics under contemporary market economic and kaleidoscopic social conditions. A combined Democratic Party can turn its forces not on socialist or communist or liberal rival-brothers but on the true opponent of progressive politics - the rightwing parties which reject social obligations to promote non-inclusive wealth accumulation and subvert the rule of law and democracy in order to hold power.
A broad-based Democratic Party must always
have a future project rather than merely a past record (or, worse, a nostalgia
which rarely is in tune with new political problems and younger strata of
voters). Defining a political project for the volatile economic, social,
cultural and community landscape of early 21st-century
The 20th-century left made a slow difficult peace between its secular and Christian wings. The arrival of militant Islamism as an ideological force and of European Muslims as voters and citizens pose new challenges which the left cannot ignore and which require new answers which classic political formulae or guidebooks do not offer.
Thus a broader-based party structure - as in
the creation of the new Democratic Party in
It doesn't always work. When the French UDF party headed by Francois Bayrou offered support to the French socialists in their conflict with the Jacques Chirac-Dominique de Villepin rightist government over the new law for young workers proposed early in 2006, the French deputy, Henri Emmanuelli (speaking for the socialists) scorned any such tactical alliance.
Emmanuelli is part of the protectionist, nation-first
isolationist grouping among the French socialists who campaigned against the EU
constitutional treaty. Its chief spokesman is Arnaud Montebourg
who has made a fetish of hostility to European integration. The Emmanuelli-Montebourg populist-protectionist wing of the
French socialists believes in the sanctity of the Socialist Party as the only
source of governing authority in
This mistake was never made by Francois
Mitterrand, a coalitionist and alliance-builder par excellence: he
included everyone from the Christian reformist union tradition like Jacques Delors to a Lambertist Trotskyist like Lionel Jospin.
Mitterrand was right to spread his net wide and the tragedy of his
fourteen-year reign is that he did not turn personal political courage in
creating a broad alliance into a permanent political-party structure which
might have transformed
Left and right winds
Where then does a united Italian Democratic Party fit into the European and international party organisations? There is now a degree of incoherence in the organisation of left parties internationally. The venerable Socialist International exists and allows a grouping of all the democratic socialist parties globally. The difficulty with the SI is that it has never allowed room for the US Democratic Party, since the latter clearly is neither socialist, nor interested in affiliating.
In this vacuum, the highly ideological
The left, for obvious historical reasons, has traditionally been the best organised force internationally. From the 1860s onwards, socialist parties have proclaimed international identity and solidarity as being central to their existence. After 1917, international political affiliation was a matter, sometime literally, of life and death.
Lenin and Stalin used left internationals for
both political parties and trade unions to destroy and weaken
democratic-socialist rivals. In the Spanish civil war, communist commissars
from all over
As a result, instead of trade unions coming
together to form strongly based, mass membership, responsible social
partnership organisations in the style of the Nordic
or German industrial unions and a single labour
federation, France, Italy, Spain, Portugal had competing labour
federations based on ideological or confessional affiliation. In
While the left was divided, the right has
come together internationally in recent years. George W Bush is the first
Bush gave Josi
Maria Aznar a key role as the organiser
of the new rightwing party confederation, both when he was Spanish prime
minister and after his defeat in March 2004. The
Parties and parliament
In
The result of this cacophony is that there is
no clear line of identity. The leader of the PES, the former social-democratic
Danish leader, Paul Nyrup Rasmussen, sits in the
European parliament alongside the leader of the Socialist MEP grouping, the
German Martin Schultz. As a result there is an over-focus on the
The European parliament groupings are loose
in who they accept into membership. Two MEPs from one
of the extreme rightist parties in
Similarly, the PPE grouping has to live with
the strongly anti-European British Conservative Party. The new Conservative
leadership in
European parliament politics is further confused by the need to come to cross-party agreement to share out key leadership position. Thus while the PPE group won the biggest block of seats in the 2004 European parliament elections, the new president of the European parliament was a socialist, the Catalan Josip Borrell, who had never sat previously in Strasbourg.
Borrell is a first-rate multilingual European politician who
has proved a very good president of the
The European parliament groups are under
constant pressure from national political structures, priorities and cultures.
The German-Austrian hostility to
The search for coherence
The British Labour MEPs know that the high level of employment, increases in wages, and massive investment in public-sector employment is due, in part, to the more supple British working-time arrangements. They have been put in the uncomfortable position of opposing their fellow European parliament comrades but doing so in the interests of the British working class whose members prefer to be in work than to be unemployed in conformity with the more rigid thirty-five-hour-week views of some continental European left parties.
The British Labour MEPs have also had to try to dilute the more crude
anti-American and protectionist instincts of French socialist MEPs. European solidarity further broke down when the
social-democratic government in
Both the PPE and PES groupings in Strasbourg, as well as the European party organisations were unable to give any support to the European aspirations of the Poles because national politics - which was hostile to opening labour markets to Polish plumbers and other workers from east-central Europe - rejected a normal acceptance of a key element of European construction, namely the free movement of citizens and workers across frontiers.
Thus, far from the groups in the European parliament giving authority and identity to the European political parties, the incoherence of their internal politics makes the chances of forming an effective pan-European politics more and more difficult. The Italian politician, Enrico Letta, dismissed these problems and argued, on the contrary that they "could allow European political families to guarantee a stronger role and establish an autonomous institutional area in the European political arena, thus also boosting the process of European integration: strong and modern European parties mean a request for more power at the European level of decision-making and an incentive to push further the construction of authentic supranational governance."
Letta expresses the common ambition of the European left in the 1990s and early 21st century for the creation of a coherent pan-European politics. Alas, a new realism demands that such overarching politics is not likely to replace the varying needs of domestic left political priorities.
In the 1999 European parliament election, Robin Cook for the ruling Labour Party in Britain and Henri Nallet for the governing Socialist Party in France wrote the common manifesto. Nallet recalls they had to agree not just on every word but on every comma. Nothing could be in the manifesto that would offend Tony Blair or Lionel Jospin, even though the two left parties in government were on fundamentally diverging paths on most domestic and international issues. As a result the manifesto was bland and dull and had little resonance in the election campaign.
By the 2004 election, the PES and the Socialist Group in the European parliament had lost all interest in drawing up a full manifesto. The divisions over foreign policy and the fact that in France, Spain, Italy, Denmark and Portugal the left were in opposition - and thus not made ideologically cautious by being in government - meant that no agreement on a manifesto was possible beyond a vague list of generalised aspirations.
A long dream
The need to produce a coherent pan-European
politics that can address the new issues of globalisation,
the challenge of the environment, create an effective European policy for the middle east and for the western
In an interview in Le Monde (14
September 2006), the Italian prime minister Romano Prodi praises the European Union as a leftwing project. He
argues that the intra-communal financial transfers helped
In this context, it is important that the
unified Democratic Party in
Parties are becoming more heteregenous.
Parties have to reach out to other groups in the economy, in society, in
community groups and to campaigning NGOs. Political parties are indispensable
to bring together the contradictory demands of economy, society, environment,
and the new ethnic groups in
But there is no monopoly of ideas and
propositions. At the supranational level there is a new and more difficult
politics. Does
Dialogue - and, where possible, common action between the classic left parties and other political groups - is necessary over all these issues. European political parties and groupings cannot be pure sects, seeking to anoint themselves as Cathars at the European level, when at national level a new politics that is fluid and open to all politicians and parties that can share common goals is coming into being.
The Party of European Socialists should
welcome the Democratic Party of Italy without ambiguity as the realisation of the long dream of unification of all the
forces for progress and reform in
Pan-European political organisation and party groups are still at an embryonic or
learning stage. The Democratic Party of Italy can be an important force for the
realignment of European politics and build bridges between
Denis MacShane is a
Labour Party member of the British parliament and
former minister for
globalization-institutions_government/
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